Q+A  

Q+A with Jie Bai, Assistant Professor of Public Policy

Jie Bai joined HKS as an Assistant Professor of Public Policy in AY 2017. She received her PhD in Economics from MIT in June 2016 and then spent one year at Microsoft Research New England.


Your research focuses on microeconomic issues of firms in developing countries and emerging markets such as China and Vietnam. Broadly speaking, what are some of the economic challenges that firms in these and similarly positioned countries face today?
One of the key challenges firms in China and other developing countries face today is the difficulty of moving up the value chain to produce higher quality and higher value-added products. Traditional cost advantages are diminishing as a result of rising wages and energy costs. Firms will find themselves competing more and more alongside established global players as the economy shifts out of low-end manufacturing industries. Shedding obsolete technologies and catching up with the world’s frontier is the first step, and eventually innovation and quality upgrading would be the keys to success. For that, we need a financial system that can effectively channel resources to capable prospective entrepreneurs, and well-enforced intellectual property laws to encourage innovation. However, capital market frictions, weak legal systems, and poor law enforcement in many parts of the developing world could pose serious challenges to firm growth and upgradation in the next phase of development.
For American consumers, the “Made in China” label is not typically associated with high quality manufacturing practices. What are firms in China doing to counter this perception, and how has the quality of Chinese manufacturing changed in recent years?
I think the perception has been gradually changing over time, partly because of some globally successful Chinese companies, such as Alibaba, Huawei, and Midea. As some of these industrial leaders adopt new technologies and practices to improve quality, the world will start perceiving “Made in China” differently—no longer a synonym for the cheap and inferior. However, for the same reason that successful firms can generate a positive change in “collective reputation,” public concerns regarding quality and safety issues with certain Chinese products in recent years, especially food products, can lead to greater general distrust. In such an environment, it can be hard for a single firm to signal its quality, and new firms are also “endowed” with the damaged reputation of its predecessors. Such collective reputational forces generate an important externality, and thus call for more government and third-party interventions to establish higher quality standards and enforce tighter quality control.
We hear a great deal about anti-corruption efforts in China under President Xi. How has corruption in China hindered economic growth more broadly, and do you believe that Xi’s anti-corruption campaign is likely to reap meaningful economic benefits?
I think the truth is that we don’t know much yet (perhaps other than the big blow on high-end restaurants and luxurious goods industries—for example, wines). Some say that the campaign has paralyzed the “political ecosystem” in China, leading to inactions of many local bureaucrats; others say that the campaign would eventually reduce corruption and rent-seeking in the economy, bringing fundamental change toward good governance in China. Nearly five years into the anti-corruption campaign, I think we are now in a position to rigorously evaluate the broad economic impact, both short-run and medium-run. I look forward to seeing more rigorous studies on this topic in the next few years.
How have internal trade barriers among China’s provinces helped skew economic growth?
Unlike international trade barriers—tariffs, quotas, and explicit import/export restrictions—domestic trade barriers are much more insidious and harder to measure as they can take many forms. Physical transportation costs within China have certainly gone down significantly over the past decades due to the big investments in railway and infrastructure projects. However, various protectionist measures imposed by local governments still remain, especially in certain strategic sectors of the economy. For example, in the auto industry, local governments give out various subsidies and benefits to favor local brands, which distort consumers’ purchasing decisions and can result in significant welfare losses. Local protectionism could also potentially explain why the industry remains highly fragmented today with many small inefficient players. In general, internal trade frictions, in the form of institutional or political barriers, distort efficient allocation of resources and can have a sizable impact on economic outcomes.

More on this Location

Harvard Kennedy School releases: China’s Most Generous Report
cover photo of the report

Media Release

Harvard Kennedy School releases: China’s Most Generous Report

The Rajawali Foundation at Harvard Kennedy School has released, “China’s Most Generous – Examining Trends in Contemporary Chinese Philanthropy”, which provides insights into current trends among China’s major donors and recipients.

China’s Most Generous: Examining Trends in Contemporary Chinese Philanthropy
cover photo of the report

Report

China’s Most Generous: Examining Trends in Contemporary Chinese Philanthropy

This report on elite philanthropy presents the latest findings from the Harvard Kennedy School Rajawali Foundation Institute’s China Philanthropy Project and provides insight into current trends among China’s major donors and recipients.

An Unpredictable President and U.S. China Relations
US and China flag together.

Video

An Unpredictable President and U.S. China Relations

Anthony Saich, the director of the Rajawali Foundation Institute for Asia and Daewoo Professor of International Affairs recently spoke at the China Centre, University of Sydney about President Donald J. Trump and his relationship with China.

This talk, entitled “An Unpredictable President and U.S. China Relations”, provides an initial analysis of how a second Trump administration could influence US-China relations forecasting his approach, and figuring out whether he will adopt the role of a deal-maker or take a more combative stance aimed at undermining rivals.

Saich focuses on three key areas of concern: tariffs, Taiwan, and technology controls.